BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. PART I
1. In the spring of the thirteenth year, there was a great assembly at Măng-tsin.
2. The king said, "Ah! Ye hereditary rulers of my friendly States, and all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, listen clearly to my declaration.
NAME OF THE PART.—周書, ＇The Books of Chow.＇ Chow is the dynastic designation under which Woo and his descendants possessed the empire from B.C.1121—255, a period of 867 years. They traced their lineage up to K＇e (棄), the minister of Agriculture(后稷) under Shun. K＇e is said to have been a son of the emperor K＇uh (B.C.2432). The marvels of his birth and infancy are pleasantly described in the second Part of the She King, and are duly chronicled by Sze-ma Ts＇een (周本紀). He was invested with the principality of T＇ae (邰), the pres. dis. of Foo-fung (扶風), dep. of Fung-ts＇ëang (鳳翔), in Shen-se. In the time of Këĕ,B.C. 1796, the fortunes of the family, which had for some time been waning, revived under Kung-lew (公劉), who established himself in Pin (豳), the pres. small department of邠. There his descendants remained till B.C.1826, when Tan-foo, afterwards styled king T＇ae in the sacrificial ritual of the dynasty, removed to the foot of mount K＇e in the pres. dis. of K＇e-san (岐山),dep. of Fung-ts＇ëang;—see Men.,I.,Pt.,II.,xiv., and xv.The state which he established there was called Chow.King T＇ae was succeeded by his son Ke-leih, or king Ke, and he again by his son Ch＇ang, or king Wăn,who transmitted his hereditary dominions, greatly increased, and his authority to his son Fă or king Woo.Woo then adopted Chow as the designation of the dynasty which he founded.
The Books of Chow were more numerous, as we might expect, than those of the previous dynasties,—even though they belong only to little more than thefirst half of its history. Nor did they suffer so much in consequence of the fires of Ts＇in as those of the Shang dynasty. Out of 38 documents there remain 20 whose genuineness is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely lost. I have said that we might have expected that the Books of Chow would be more numerous than those of Shang; but we could not have expected that so much larger a proportion of them should escape the various dangers to which all were equally exposed.
THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—泰誓, ＇The Great Declaration.＇ 泰=大, ＇great.＇ King Woo, having at last taken the field against Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, urging them to play the man with him in the cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are brought together, and constitute one grand whole,—＇The great Declaration.＇
THE DIFFERENT TEXTS OF THE BOOK. This subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; and I will content myself here with giving the summary of the discussions that have been raised upon it, which is quoted in the 通鑑綱目 from Kin Le-ts＇ëang＇s 通鑑前編, merely interjecting a remark or two, where his statements can be fairly called in question. The text preferred by Keang Shing and other modern scholars will also be found, with a translation of it, in an appendix to the Book.
Le-ts＇ëang says:—＇The Shoo of Fuh-shang did not contain the "Great Declaration".＇ [But see the first Book of Maou K＇e-ling＇s ＇Wrongs of the old Text of the Shoo.＇ The ＇Great Declaration＇ was in the Books of Fuh-shang.] ＇It was in the "Old Text," found in the wall of Confucius＇ house; but as the commentary of K＇ung Gan-kwŏ was not entered in the imperial college during the Han dynasty, his edition of it did not then become current. Chang Pa (張霸) then fraudulently made a "Great Declaration," in three Parts, which became current, and contained the passage about "a white fish entering king Woo＇s ship," &c., which is found in Chung-shoo (仲舒) and Sze-ma Ts＇een.＇ [This passage is found in those writers, and also in Fuhshang＇s Introduction to the Shoo. There is no necessity to say that the ＇Great Declaration,＇ current during the Han dynasty, was forged by Chang Pa.] ＇But in the time of the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars became aware that this was not the genuine document;and it fell into general discredit, when the "Old Text"made its appearance at the commencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Recently, however, this same Old Text has come to be suspected by the scholar Woo (吳氏). "Its language," he says, "is vehement and arrogant, not to be compared with that of the Declaration of T＇ang. As the document appeared so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text."
＇In my opinion, the conduct and language of T＇ang and Woo were equally responsive to Heaven and accordant with men. They differed because the circumstances of the men differed. T＇ang was the founder of the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing. T＇ang＇s enterprise commenced when men were beginning to look to Shang. Woo＇s was undertaken when many of the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs of Chow. The battle of Ming-t＇eaou was fought by the people of Pŏ, while at Măng-tsin there was a grand assemblage of the princes with their hosts. With such differences of circumstances, we should expect differences of style and manner. As to what is said of Chow＇s being worse than Këĕ, and the language being more ornate, these things are accounted for by the difference of time. Even allowing that the style was somewhat modified and improved, when the document made its reappearance, we may well believe that it gives us the views of king Woo.＇
CONTENTS. These may be stated in the language with which Le-ts＇ëang concludes his observations.—＇In the first Part, king Woo addresses himself to the princes and others of inferior rank; in the second,to the hosts of the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The ruling idea in the first is the duty of the sovereign,—what he ought to be and do; with this it begins and ends. There is not the same continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows the difference between the good sovereign and the bad, and touches on the consent that there is between Heaven and men. The Book is brilliantly composed, and far transcends the powers of any man of a later age to have made it.＇
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART. At a great assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before them the reasons of his proceeding against Chowsin. Starting from the position that the sovereign is ordained by God for the good of the people, he shows how the king of Shang acted only to the injury of the people. King Wăn would have punished him if he had lived, but now the duty was devolved upon himself,and with their help he would proceed to obey the requirement of Heaven. They need have no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and men, the expedition could not but be crowned with success. There are eleven paragraphs which are so connected as to form only one chapter.
Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the Declaration. The time was the spring of the 18th year;but it is hardly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 18th year. In the first place, the Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 82); and there is no way that can be admitted of reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake for 18,but Lin Che-k＇e takes the opposite view, and contents that the 18 in the text should be 11. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we find that the standard or common chronology reckons from the 1st year of king Woo＇s accession to the principality of Chow, which it places in B.C.1133. This view is ably argued by Ts＇ae Ch＇in in loc. On the other hand, Gankwŏ said that the 18th year was to be reckoned from king Wăn＇s receiving (as indicated by circumstances) the appointment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the empire. He is supposed to have then changed the style of his reign,—to have begun it afresh with a new ＇first year.＇ Nine years then clapsed, and his work was not completed;—the tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wăn died.
3. "Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures;and of all creatures man is the most highly endowed.The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and the great sovereign is the parent of the people.
Two years more passed by,—the period of mourning for him; and then king Woo took the field, but it was h tillhehehiseign,hathefter,f4ttttttearearnoaoryycontest between him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is strongly advocated by Maou K＇e-ling, against Ts＇ae and others, in the third Book of his 尚書廣聽錄. But the various data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain;—see a note in the 歷代統紀表, on the date of king Woo＇s birth, under B.C.1168. I must for the present suspend the expression of any opinion of my own on the point.
A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged about the time intended by ＇the spring,＇ where we should hardly think there was room for any difference of view.It has been already observed (on ＇The Instructions of E＇ Pt. i., p 1) that while the Hea dyn. began the year t 寅swithheonthpring(theonth),hehangfS1ttmosmbegan it with the last month of winter (the month 丑).The Chow dynasty removed the commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second month of winter (the month 子). Ts＇ae and a host of followers say that by ＇the spring＇ is intended the months of the Hea year; and this appears reasonable,for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The ＇spring＇ of Chow was the same as that of Hea; and if we suppose, as it most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the month intended by ＇the spring＇must be the first month of that season. Gan-kwŏ,however, understands the month intended to be thefirst of the Chow year, and Maou K＇e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books.
The place where the declaration was made was Măng-tsin, or at the ＇Ford of Măng;＇—see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kwŏ says there were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Wăn (Ana., VIII., xx., 4),and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes;—along with their various hosts.
P.2. Opening of the address. 王曰,—Woo is here styled ＇king,＇ or emperor, by anticipation. Had he been defeated, he would have been ＇a rebel＇; but as his enterprise was crowned with success, from the moment he began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the sovereign of China, and the other was only＇a solitary fellow＇. (獨夫; Pt. III., 4). 我友邦冢君,—Ying-tă says—同志為友, ＇they were 友, as having the same mind and aim with him.＇ 冢君 is literally ＇highest rulers＇, or ＇great rulers＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇explains the phrase by—各國嗣立之君, which I have followed in the translation. 越我御事庶士,—越=及,＇and＇; 御=主 or 治, ＇to preside over＇, ＇to manage＇. 御事=治事者, ＇managers of affairs＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇would include the soldiers among the士as well as the officers,—衆士卒; but it is better not to extend the meaning of the term so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely and quite erroneously translates 越我御事 by—＇it has fallen to me to manage these affairs＇.The address begins with 嗟, the exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches.
3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and Earth,because of his virtues, for the good of the people.Compare the ＇Announcement of T＇ang,＇ p.2. What is to be remarked here is the style of speaking which is new, and places ＇Heaven and Earth＇ in the place of ＇Heaven＇ simply, or ＇God＇. Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs both the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of ＇Heaven and Earth＇, which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King,of which king Wăn may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wăn says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surprised tofind king Woo speaking as he does in the text. 惟人萬物之靈,—＇it is man who is the most intelligent of all creatures＇.
4. But now, Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts calamities on the people below.
5. He has been abandoned to drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you, the myriad people.
By 萬物 in the first clause we understand ＇all things＇, inanimate as well as animate; in the second clause we must confine the meaning to animate creatures. The various tribes of animals have their several measures of intelligence, but all are very inferior to men.
Then, as men are superior to other creatures, there appear among them those who are superior to their fellows;—the sages, who are raised up by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers,—parents, in fact—of the mass. Ch＇in King says on this:—＇Man is one among all creatures. Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the energizing element of nature, while he receive it complete:—it is this which makes the nature of man more intelligent and capable than that of other creatures. But though men are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve and maintain it, and there must be the quick-apprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are able all to complete their intelligence. The sage possesses before me that of which I have the seeds in common with himself; and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent.＇（人者萬物之一也，物得氣之偏，人得氣之全，此人性所以獨靈於物，然人雖有此靈，有不能保此靈者，必得聰明之君以父母之，斯民始得以各全其靈，聖人先得我心之所同然，而為靈之靈者耳）.
Pp. 4,5. How Chow had forfeited all his title to the empire, and king Wăn had been charged to punish him. 4. 商王受,—I have hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the name of Chow (紂), after Sze-ma Ts＇een and Mencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as Show, which Ts＇ae says was ＇the name of Chow.＇ Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon him for his cruelty and wickedness;—see the Dict. on the character (殘忍損義曰紂). Lin Che-k＇e says that 紂 was interchanged with 受 from the similarity of the two characters in sound, but he must be wrong, because Show is here used by king Woo before the tyrant＇s death. 上天下民,—I think these phrases may best be taken as in the translation. 5. 沈洄,—comp. 沈酗于酒, in ＇Two Viscount of Wei＇, p.1. 冒色,—冒 is ＇to go forward with the eyes covered,＇= ＇to pursue blindly and recklessly＇.色=女色. 罪人以族,—＇he crimed men according to their relationships＇. The meaning is as in the translation.The ＇Daily Explanation＇ has:—加罪于人, 不但誅其一身, 並其族屬, 而刑戮之. Mencius points it out as one of the glories of king Wăn＇s administration of K＇e, that＇the wives and children of criminals were not involved in their guilt＇ (罪人不孥; Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3). It was one of the principles of Shun that punishments should not be extended to the offender＇s children (Counsels of the Great Yu, p.11). We have seen Yu＇s son, (The Speech at Kan, p.5) and even T＇ang, (The Speech of T＇ang, p.4) menacing their troops with the death of their children, if they did not do their duty. That may have been a measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal administration of his govt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by Chow, we do not learn from the text. Gan-kwŏ supposes that the parents, brothers, wives and children, (三族) all suffered with the offender.
He has burned and roasted the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wăn reverently to display its majesty; but he died before the work was completed.
6. "On this account I, Fă, who am but a little child,have by means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly States, contemplated the government of Shang; but Show has no repentant heart.
官人以世,—＇he officed men according to their generation, or genealogical connection＇. ＇The ＇Daily Explanation＇ makes the meaning to be that Chow put into office all the friends of his favourites.—其用人,則不論賢否, 但其心之所喜, 即並其子弟親屬, 悉寵任之. But this view of 以世 is unwarrantable. Mencius,in the passage above referred to, says that king Wănsalaried the descendants of meritorious officers. But tho＇ such men might be salaried, they were called to office only when they had the virtue and ability necessary for its duties. Chow did not look out for able and good men to fill the offices of the State. This is the burden of this part of the indictment against him. 惟宮室……萬姓,—惟= ＇he only cared for＇.—其所務者惟在宮室, 云云. The 說文 defines 宮 by 室. The former term is the building as a whole; 室, the apartments in it. LeSeun says:— ＇臺 is a high terrace of earth, made for the purpose of observation; when a house or houses are built on the top of it, they are called 榭.＇ 侈服=凡侈靡諸事, ＇all extravagances＇; 服=事. 焚炙忠良,—this refers to the punishment of Roasting, describing in the historical note on the ＇Conquest of Le＇. 刳剔孕婦,—we saw how Chow caused the heart of Pe-kan to be cut out;—Hwang-poo Meih, of the Tsin dyn., says that he also caused Pe-kan＇s wife to be ripped up. No earlier account to that effect, however, is known. King Woo is no doubt rehearsing things which were commonly charged upon the tyrant at the time.
皇天,—see on the ＇Announcement of T＇ang＇, p.2. 命我天考,—考 is the name for a father deceased. King Woo speaks in this way of his father having been charged to punish Chow, to vindicate all the better his own present course. We are not to suppose that any such commission was ever expressly given to Wăn; and Confucius speaks of him as having been faithful to the dyn. of Shang to the last;—see Ana., VIII., xx.,4. 大動未集=大功未成. We must complete the meaning by adding而崩, as in the translation.
P.6. The task of punishing Chow being now devolved on him, he sets forth the evidence of his hopeless wickedness. 肆=故, ＇therefore＇.
以爾……于商,—觀政 is explained by a reference to the same phrase in the ＇Both possessed pure Virtue,＇p. 10. The princes of the States were to Woo an index of the govt. of Chow. Had they remained loyal to him, that would have shown that his govt. was good.As they were now in the mass revolted from him,and following Woo＇s banner, it was clear that he was no longer fit to be emperor. Such is the explanation of this passage by Ts＇ae, and what is now commonly received; and I see no better course than to acquiesce in it. Gan-kwŏ and the earlier scholars explained it with reference to an assembly, which they imagined,of Woo and the princes at the ford of Tsin, two years before the period of this "Declaration". Then he had thoughts of attacking Chow, but on contemplating his govt., concluded that the time was not yet come, and withdrew his troops.
He abides squatting on his heels, not serving God or the spirits of heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers; and still he says, ＇The people are mine: the decree is mine,＇ never trying to correct his contemptuous mind.
7. Now Heaven, to protect the inferior people, made for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure the tranquility of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to my own wishes?
Such a meeting is not properly substantiated; and the view is otherwise liable to many objections. 夷居,—compare 夷俟, Con. Ana., XIV., xivi. 弗事上帝神袛,遺厥先宗廟弗祀,—Ts＇ae, after Gan-kwŏ, gives for this—廢上帝, 百神, 宗廟之祀, ＇he has discontinued the sacrifices,—to God, the hundred spirits, and the spirits of his ancestors＇. Ying-tă observes that the meaning is that Chow had no religion, rendered no service to spiritual beings (不事神袛); God, as the highest of all such beings, being mentioned, to show the enormity of his wickedness. In this way a distinction is made between 上帝 and 神袛, the latter phrase being synonymous with 百神. On the other hand, the ＇Daily Explanation＇, for —弗事上帝神袛 has忽慢天地神袛, 不知奉事, ＇he slights and contemns the spirits of Heaven and Earth, and renders not service to them.＇ Thiswould confound God with the spirits of Heaven and Earth, which is by no means inconceivable in Woo, when we consider the language of p.3. Compare also the language of par. 3 and 4 in the ＇Announcement of T＇ang＇. Upon the whole, however, the gradation of thought in the passage may determine the scale in favour of the former view. 犧牲粢盛, 既于凶盜,—犧牲, see the last Book, p.6; 粢盛, see Men., III, Pt. II., iii., 3; 既=盡, ＇are consumed＇, or ＇are all taken＇. The whole corresponds with the words of the Grand Tutor in the par. Of the ＇Viscount of Wei＇ just referred to. 有民, 有命,—comp. the ＇Conquest of Le,＇ p.5. =罔懲其侮無有懲戒其侮慢之意.
P.7. He returns to the principles declared in par. 3, and shows that he was constrained by them to attack Chow. See this par. as it is quoted by Mencius, I., Bk. II., iii., 7. The difference between the text here, and that which he gives is very considerable. We cannot suppose that the present text of the Shoo was forged from Mencius. A plagiarist, attempting such as is ascribed to ＇the false K＇ung,＇ would have taken the language exactly from his copy. We can only believe that Mencius had a copy of the ＇Great Declaration＇before him, differing not a little from the present, or that he quoted from memory, and allowed himself great license in altering the classic.
寵綏四方,—＇to show favour and tranquillize the four quarters of the empire＇.
8. " ＇Where the strength is the same, measure the virtue of the parties; where the virtue is the same,measure their righteousness.＇ Show has hundreds of thousands and myriads of ministers, but they have hundreds of thousands and myriads of minds; I have three thousand ministers, but they have one mind.
9. The iniquity of Shang is full. Heaven gives command to destroy it. If I did not comply with Heaven, my iniquity would be as great.
10. "I, who am a little child, early and late am filled with apprehensions. I have received charge from my decreased father Wăn; I have offered special sacrifice to God; I have performed the due services to the great Earth;—and I lead the multitude of you to execute the punishment appointed by Heaven.
子曷敢有越厥志,=我何敢有過用其心乎, ＇how dare I use my own mind too much?＇ Such is the interpretation ofTs＇ae;—越厥志, is ＇to go beyond what is right with—in accordance with—my own wishes.＇ The dict. follows Gan-kwŏ in defining 越 here by 遠, ＇to put away＇.—＇My purpose is to destroy the tyrant for the good of the people. Whether he be guilty or not guilty, I will smite him. I will not let go that, my proper purpose.＇ This is evidently incorrect.
P. 8. He auspices success from the righteousness of his cause, and the harmony of mind among his followers, though they were comparatively few.
The two first clauses are supposed to be a current saying used against each other by contending parties;—Lin Che-k＇e has adduced from the 左傳 two examples of similar couplets. The second clause is not so intelligible as the first. We can understand how when parties were matched in strength, the struggle should be expected to terminate in favour of the more virtuous; but it is difficult to perceive how ＇virtue＇and ＇righteousness＇ can be set against each other. 受有臣億萬—Ts＇ae says here that 億 denotes ＇a hundred myriads＇, or a million. This was probably a slip of his pencil. 億,= ten myriads, or 100000. The subject of Show＇s more numerous host comes up again in the next Part, p.6. We may admit it as a fact, and it explains the risings and troubles which disturbed the dynasty of Chow after the death of king Woo.It is difficult, at the same time, to reconcile it with the representations of the general disaffection to the emperor, and of two thirds of the empire having been for years devoted to the House of Chow. See the note on this paragraph in the 後案. It is instructive, though not conclusive in favour of the author＇s views. 9. Itwas woe to Woo himself if he proceeded not to destroy Shang.
Compare the ＇Speech of T＇ang,＇ pp. 1,2; and the＇Announcement of T＇ang,＇ p.4. 商罪貫盈,—＇the crimes of Shang are strung together and full＇. 10. Woo＇scaution ana conscientiousness in proceeding with his enterprise.
予小子夙夜袛懼,—comp. the ＇Announcement of T＇ang, p. 6受命文考, 類于上帝, 宜于冡土,一冡=大＇great＇; 冡土, ＇the great earth,＇=大社, ＇the altar dedicated to the great spirit of the Earth.＇
11. Heaven compassionates the people. What the people desire, Heaven will be found to give effect to.Do you aid me, the one man, to cleanse for ever allwithin the four seas. Now is the time!—it may not be lost."
The sacrifice at this altar was called 宜類于上帝, —see the ＇Canon of Shun,＇ p. 6. In the le Ke Bk. 王制, Pt. ii., 17, we find—天子將出, 類乎上帝, 宜乎社, 造乎禰, ＇When the emperor is about to go forth, he offers special sacrifice to God, performs the due servicesat the altar of the Earth, and goes to the shrine of his father.＇ Woo had attended to all these observances; and it must have been at the shrine of his father, that he somehow understood himself ＇to receive,＇ as he says here, ＇charge＇ to attack Chow. 底天之罰,—comp. 恭行天之罰, in the ＇Speech at Kan,＇ p.3. 11. The enterprisewas a proof of the compassion of Heaven for the people, and he summons all the princes and officers to strenuous cooperation with him. Under the 32nd year of duke Seang, and in another place of the 左傳, we find the passage—民之所欲, 天必從之, quoted from the ＇Great Declaration＇. It is also found in the 國語.
爾尚弼予一人,—see the ＇Speech of T＇ang＇, p.4.
